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Water Triggered Violence: Will Traditional Wisdom Help? |
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Water is one of the most taken-for-granted resources in the world. It sustains all forms of life, but sustaining its regular supply has become a challenge. The per capita availability of water in India has declined from 2464 m3 in 1990 to around 1750 m3 in 2000. (Population Action International, 2005). This figure does not reveal the inequities in distribution of water. Around 59 million people receive less than 500 m3 (indicates constant water scarcity) and around 119 million receive less than 1000 m3 (indicates moderate water scarcity, Falkenmark et al., cited in Amarasinghe, 2003). In effect around 75% of the Indian population is experiencing some form of water stress or scarcity (Amarasinghe, 2003).
Scarcity in a resource can either trigger a more efficient management of the resource, or result in further concentration of the resource in favour of the powerful section of society. An inevitable fallout of this will be escalating violence over control of the resource, as is happening in the case of water.
In June 2005, five people were killed in Tonk district of Rajasthan after police opened fire on villagers, agitating for the construction of a canal on a nearby dam. Around 3000 to 4000 villagers from Girana and surrounding areas had walked 20 kms to the village of Sohailla, and blocked the national highway. The people were demanding that a canal be made from the Bisalpur dam on the Banas river to supply water for irrigation in these villages. The dam was being constructed with the help of Asian Development Bank with the intention of providing drinking water to Ajmer. According to one of the villagers, “You take the water of Tonk to Ajmer, Jaipur and even Delhi if you want. But there must be some water for Tonk also.”
Such incidents are becoming common across the world. In June 2005, residents of Lyari town in Pakistan protested against the lack of drinking water facilities. Water riots occurred in Abadan town of Iran in 2000. In Iran, a term ‘Water Refugee’ has been coined to refer to people who have been forced to leave their homes due to water scarcity. In Coochacomba town in Bolivia, an attempt to hand over the water supply service to a transnational company, resulting in steep increase in water prices, forced the citizens to resort to protests and street wars (www.gnntv.org downloaded on 23 June 2005).
Water is a contentious international issue, with over 300 international treaties specifically governing the sharing of water and another 2000 treaties which have provisions for water sharing (Population Action International, 2005). Conflicts over water are considered likely in the Middle East, over the River Jordan and the River Euphrates and in Africa, over the River Nile. These examples from across the world give more credence to the prediction that the wars of tomorrow will be fought over water. And this war will not only be fought at the level of countries, but between the citizens and state, between cities, villages and even households.
This is not to say that water sharing can never be amicable. There are instances of indigenous common property resource institutions which have facilitated the water sharing specially for irrigation purposes. A ‘kuhl’ system of irrigation is seen in Northwestern Himalyan regions of India. Farmers contribute to the maintenance of the irrigation structures and all disputes over water sharing are settled through the ‘Kohli” (Shingi and Bluhm, 1987). Sometimes these institutions also determine the choice of crops to be grown. In Aliabad, in Pakistan, priority is given to wheat and alfalfa as food and fodder over the more lucrative fruit cultivation (Dani and Siddiqui, 1986). Similarly in Nepal, only rice farmers are members of the irrigation system and are allowed to use the water in the crucial monsoon season (Martin and Yoder, 1986). Balinese culture has a tradition of water temples, which are arranged in an elaborate hierarchy and serve as institutions for conflict resolution (Lansing, 1987).These examples demonstrate the effectiveness of locally evolved institutions to facilitate water sharing. It substantiates Runge’s argument that with scarce or unpredictable availability of a resource which affects a large number of people, institutions evolve to ensure equitable distribution (Runge 1986).
Some traditional methods of harvesting exist in villages, but people don't pay attention to roof-top harvesting of water. Increasing demand for water in urban areas puts pressure on the rural water supply. Many traditional water harvesting structures and irrigation systems have been replaced by modern methods, which has contributed to increased land degradation. Canals in the Indo-gangetic plain have increased soil salinity, whereas in traditional structures like tanks and ponds, the collected rain water would leach away the salts in the soil. In South India, the L shaped or horse shoe shaped anikuts of ancient times were more effective in containing flood afflux, compared to the straight structures of modern times (Sengupta, 1985). Water harvesting structures like tanks and ponds, widely prevalent in olden times, have been ignored in the development efforts of the country, which have concentrated on big dams and canals (CSE, 1985, Mishra, 1994).
Rain water harvesting has existed since ancient times. Instances can be seen in the Negev desert in Israel (Keen, 1986) and in South India as early as 230 BC (Barah 1996, cited in Kabir and Faisal, 1999). Ancient Romans used cisterns and paved courtyards to store rainwater (Kabir and Faisal, 1999). In Iran, a system of underground canals called 'Qanats' was used to store and transport water (Todd 1996, cited in Kabir and Faisal, 1999).
Even today, in arid Jaisalmer district of Rajasthan, agriculture is facilitated using a system called ‘Khadin’. Here water, runoff from a rocky upper level area, is impounded in the lower area by constructing a bund. Once the water percolates, seeps off or evaporates, there is sufficient moisture in the soil to grow the rabi crop (Kolarkar, 1989). Another structure called 'Virda' is used in the Banni grasslands of arid Kutch. Virda is an indigenously developed ‘well in a tank’ structure, where a natural depression is deepened and the walls lined with branches of trees and grass (Chokkakula and Patel, 1994).
There have also been some recent innovations in the field of rain water harvesting. In Junagadh, an innovator Bhanjibhai, inspired by the arches under a railway bridge, has developed check dams with a series of semi circular arches. Another innovator, Premjibhai has modified the structure and also popularized the structure among farmers using a participatory approach (Gupta et.al. , 2004).
Can traditional knowledge dam the violence ?
Can the widespread instances of violence over water serve as a trigger to initiate dialogue with people on traditional methods of water harvesting and sharing. In Alwar district of Rajasthan, an NGO called 'Tarun Bharat Sangh' is resurrecting traditional means of water harvesting. The organization is now engaged in setting up a 'Tarun Jal Vidyapeeth'. This unique Water University will provide students, specially from rural areas, an exposure to indigenous water management systems peculiar to the needs of different areas across India. In drought prone Bagalkot district of Karnataka, the district administration planned a unique jaljatha (walk for water) in June, 2005. This jaljatha covered 100 villages, over a period of 10 days to spread awareness on water conservation and harvesting and also discuss traditional methods of irrigation and water harvesting which the villagers might be using.
At SRISTI, we decided to pay a visit to the violence affected area in Rajasthan. We found that the water shortage in the area was aggravated by monsoon failure over the last couple of years. The main sources of irrigation were tanks and canals and people depended on the seasonally flowing Banas river for their needs. The crops in the area are wheat, groundnut, jowar, bajra and pulses.
We also spoke to the Sarpanch of Sohailla village, which witnessed the police firing although the people of this village were not directly involved in the conflict. He told us that the government had built an anikut in the area, but this was benefiting only a few farmers in the nearby areas. Another old villager, Gumnam Singh, however, felt that the anikut was responsible for raising water levels in the wells in the area and had benefited most farmers. We then showed the people the pictures of the check dam designed by Bhanjibhai, and discussed the possibility of constructing such structures in the area. We offered to facilitate the visit of Bhanjibhai to the area to help in the construction of check dams as per the miniature design. According to the Sarpanch, such structures would be cheap and can be built without government help. A few of the other villagers were apprehensive about who would contribute to the construction since most farmers did not have any surplus cash. However, they added that the idea could be tried out after discussion with people on how the costs could be met. They agreed to get in touch with us after the discussion.
We also visited the village of Girana, which was primarily involved in the incident. The villagers were not able to talk to us, due to a death in the village on the day. The Sarpanch was also busy, because the local MLA had visited the area in the wake of the agitation.
The violence has left the people apprehensive and anxious. Whether this anxiety will give way to assertion of local knowledge and wisdom remains to be seen.
References
1. Shingi , P.M and Bluhm, L.H (1987): Participation in Irrigation Projects: Changing Patterns in Northwestern India, Centre for Management in Agriculture, Ahmedabad
2. Dani, A.A and Siddiqui, N (1986) : Institutional Innovations in Irrigation Management : A case study from Pakistan: Paper Presented during International Conference on Public Intervention in Farmer Managed Irrigation Systems, Kathmandu.
3. Martin, E.D and Yoder, R (1987) : Institutions for Irrigation Management in Farmer Managed Systems : Examples from the Hills of Nepal, International Irrigation Management Institute, Sri Lanka.
4. Lansing, J.S (1987) : Balinese Water Temples and the Management of Irrigation, American Anthropologist, 1987, pp 326-340.
(All references to instances of Common Property Resource Institutions are taken from a database on Common Property Resource Institutions at www.sristi.org)
5. Gupta ,A .K, Chokkakula ,S, Sinha, R, Patel, K. K and Koradia, D (2004) : Harnessing Wisdom for Managing Watersheds: Honey Bee Perspective on Innovations, Institutions and Policies for Marginal Environments.
6. Kabir M.R and Faisal I.M (1999) : Indigenous Practices for Water Harvesting in Bangladesh. Proceedings from the regional workshop on traditional water harvesting systems organized the the Ministry of jahad E Sazandegi of Iran and UNESCO, Iran.
7. Runge, C.F (1986) : Common Property and Collective Action in Economic Developments, World Development, :Vol 14 (5) pp623-635.
8. Amarasinghe, U (2003) : Draft Research Report – Spatial Variation in Water Supply and Demand across the River Basins of India, presented Indian National Consultation, Country Policy Support Program.
9. Chokkakula, S & Patel, S. R..(1994) Virda : An Ingenious Method of Rain Water Harvesting, Honey Bee Vol5(3):7.
10. Kolarkar , A. S. (1989) : “An Innnovative Traditional Old Method of Agriculture in Jaisalmer - Thar Desert Region,”. Paper Submitted for Workshop on “Traditional Technologies in Indian Agriculture. 6-8 Mar., 9.
11. Keen, M (1990) : Can the Ancient Methods Hold Back the Desert ? African Farming, March April, 1990, pp35 – 38.
12. Sengupta, N (1985) : . “Traditional Vs Modern”, Economic and Political Weekly, XX (45,46 and 47): 1919-38.
13. Center for Science and Environment (1985), The State of India’s Environment 1984-85: The Second Citizens’ Report.
14. Mishra A (1994) : Aaj Bhi Khare Hain Thalab, Gandhi Shanthi Prathishtan, New Delhi.
15. www.gnntv.org downloaded on 24 June, 2005
16. Population Action International, downloaded from www.cnie.org (downloaded on 24 June, 2005) |
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| Volume No. |
Honey Bee, 16(2):4-6&14, 2005 |
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